The so-called Jacksonian revolution has always made a deep appeal to the American imagination. To his credit, Schlesinger provides an interesting discussion of the demise of Federalism and he colorfully details the contentious, multi-year effort to eradicate the Second Bank of the U.
These demands were the heart of the great democratic movement. To trace these changing images over time is to see a remarkable succession of different Andrew Jacksons. While Schlesinger was a Harvard professor, he moved his focus from the period before the Civil War to that of the New Deal.
Remini, scrupulously investigating, concluded that no such ceremony took place, and the story that it had was an elaborately orchestrated lie. Its economic power was keenly felt by western farmers when it intensified the crisis of in the west by the drastic contraction of its paper money.
And Jackson, unlike Roosevelt, wanted to keep the federal government from building roads, bridges, and canals across the Union. American character, according to him, had been shaped both by the ability of people to escape from the East coast to the frontier and by the experience of life on the frontier.
Today, Americans of all political persuasions deplore white supremacy, accept the need for a central bank, and recognize the convenience of paper currency. Schlesinger was a well-known historian, social critic and prominent Democrat, and served as Special Assistant to President Kennedy. Victories against religion, such as that against the Sabbatarians, were victories for democracy.
The Federalists had thought about society in an intelligent and hard-boiled way. Having assumed an identity between Roosevelt and Jackson, Schlesinger goes to great lengths to defend the Democratic Party tradition, distorting history to the point of crediting the Jacksonian Democrats with the initiative in organizing the anti-slavery movement and founding the Republican Party.
Applying handwriting analysis, assistant editor Tom Coens traced the letter to William B. Schlesinger is a gifted writer and clearly knows his time period, but The Age of Jackson is a work of popular scholarship, intended for an educated general readership embroiled in a war against fascism.
It is easy to see why The Age of Jackson resonated at its time. In due time, however, the whole range of Jacksonian doctrine, and its relationship with antecedent Jeffersonian theories and subsequent Wilsonian and Rooseveltian thought, was certain to receive attention. Burgess put it, got together, gave a strong pull, and brought the old order toppling in ruins.
Jackson, as he puts it, struck fire with the working classes because he seemed to them the embodiment of Strictly as an introduction to Jackson the frontiersman, military leader and politician, the book is wholly unsuitable. Arthur had another unusual White House post as movie critic and impresario.
These optimists became Whigs, supporters of the national bank, advocates of federal government aid to transportation and education, and opponents of Andrew Jackson.
They objected to the discrimination of the bank in favor of eastern land speculators at the expense of western farmers and southern planters. There are two other questions which Schlesinger treats which have great significance and are especially pertinent today. In Schlesinger published A Life in the 20th Century: Another is that the energies behind the overturn came from a rough Western population and an inarticulate body of Eastern workingmen, both long supposed to be strong in emotions but weak in reasons.
Even if this antebellum association could be justified, these definitions do not carry concretely through the following generations, and Schlesinger is using a scholarly slight-of-hand to suggest that they do.
Under Jackson progress was in the direction of capitalist development. What is important to understand is the relation between the program of the labor movement and the capitalist class on the one hand and the government of the Jacksonian Democrats on the other.
Indeed, Jackson vetoed the re-chartering of the Second Bank of the United States, a precursor of the Fed, leading to its complete demise a few years later. One can conceive a black operation in, say, Haiti which might in time lure Castro into sending a few boatloads of men on to a Haitian beach in what could be portrayed as an effort to overthrow the Haitian regime.
In its opening pages blackface minstrelsy is described in the language of warm nostalgia 4 and the only time in which blacks are actually addressed is in the form of benevolent enslavement.
Schlesinger, a committed Democratic partisan his whole career, is writing with a clear agenda.By Arthur Schlesinger Jr. Jackson’s fight against the Bank stirred him to the inordinate conclusion that Jackson, was “the bravest and greatest man now living in this world, or that ever.
And infuriate he did. Court historians and other propagandists for the state and state power have long portrayed Andrew Jackson as a country bumpkin, an ignoramus, a tool of corrupt bankers, and worse.
The ultimate Ivy League snob, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., was especially disdainful of Jackson in his writings.
Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. Personal History Born into “History” o Arthur M. Schlesinger Sr. s history and black history Liberal causes throughout upbringing Graduated from Harvard with PhD o Thesis on Andrew Jackson turned into Pulitzer prize winning best seller WWII – intelligence officer o Sense of patriotism his entire life Arthur.
"Aldous has chosen an apt subtitle for his biography: Schlesinger was an 'imperial' historian in his willingness to take up the burden of the American empire's PR, though 'The Imperious Publicist' would have served just as well." (p. 14) Sue Saunders, Arthur M.
Schlesinger Jr. John F.
Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum, February 15, Alma mater: Harvard College (). Dec 27, · Sean Wilentz submits his mostly positive take on Andrew Jackson for the American Presidents series edited by Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr. Jackson's reputation and ranking among US presidents has fallen in recent decades, mostly due to his treatment of Indians, his stance on slavery, and misunderstanding of his economic policies.5/5(5).
Kennedy was the first to appoint a full-time historian -- and what better historian for that unique position than Arthur Schlesinger, a winner of the highest awards in history and literature, the author of outstanding books about Presidents Andrew Jackson and Franklin D.
Roosevelt, among others, and a scholar of American politics since its earliest days.Download